Restricting the fourth reading

Szabó (2010, 2011) argues that DPs in intensional contexts have specific-opaque readings, which their determiner scopes above some operator while restrictor is nevertheless interpreted the scope of operator. This poses a potential problem to prominent theories intensionality (e.g. Percus 2000, Keshet 2008) wide quantificational (specificity) implies transparency. We attempt restrict by demonstrating an important sub-class Szabó's examples syntactically restricted relativization environments, and can be generated invoking independently motivated mechanisms for NP reconstruction into relative clauses without calling question commonly made assumptions about constructions.